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Apr
28
11:00 AM11:00

Covid-19: Perspectives on its Global Security Challenges

The Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary International History and the Toronto branch of the Canadian International Council hosted a roundtable discussion on the implications of the Covid-19 pandemic for international security on 28 April 2020. The free-flowing dialogue ranged from the 1919 influenza pandemic to the UN Security Council and WHO to the shifting balance of power in Asia.

Ambassador Salome Meyer of Switzerland served as moderator for this panel, which featured the following three distinguished experts, who each brought a unique professional and scholarly perspective to bear on this vital question:

Mark Humphries holds the Dunkley Chair in War and the Canadian Experience and is Director of the Laurier Centre for Military Strategic and Disarmament Studies at Wilfrid Laurier University. He is the author of The Last Plague: Spanish Influenza and the Politics of Public Health in Canada.

Rosemary McCarney is the Pearson-Sabia Scholar in International Relations at Trinity College, University of Toronto. An award-winning humanitarian and business leader, she served as Canada’s Ambassador to the UN in Geneva with responsibilities for the World Health Organization from 2015-2019.

Bruno Charbonneau is Professor of International Relations at the Collège militaire royal de Saint-Jean and Director of the Centre FrancoPaix en résolution des conflits et missions de paix at the Université du Québec à Montréal.

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Feb
6
4:00 PM16:00

Canada and the Challenge of Genocide in Asia

  • Trinity College Combination Room (map)
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In February 2020, as prime ministers and presidents across Israel, Europe, and the North Atlantic commemorated the 75th anniversary of the liberation of the Nazi death camps at Auschwitz, faculty and students at the University of Toronto’s Trinity College focused their attention on events closer to home: Canada’s contemporary and historic responses to genocide in Asia. Hosted by the Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary International History, this provocative roundtable featured three of Canada’s leading experts on questions of engagement, responsibility and complicity: David Webster from Bishop’s University; Laura Madokoro from Carleton University; and the Honourable Bob Rae (Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Special Representative for Myanmar). It was moderated by Canada’s former UN ambassador Rosemary McCarney, the Pearson-Sabia Distinguished Visitor at Trinity College.

Webster kicked off the evening, reflecting on the misleading claims of Canada’s foreign ministry, Global Affairs Canada, that Ottawa has long been a consistent voice for global human rights. This, he insisted, was at best an “unintentional lie.” He backed his claims with evidence drawn from his new publication, Challenge the Strong Wind: Canada and East Timor, 1975-99. Part activist-memoir, part scholarly study, the book explores Canada’s willingness to acquiesce in the Indonesian takeover of East Timor in December 1975 and the genocide that followed.

It’s simply not accurate, Webster insisted, to say that the Indonesian takeover over of East Timor surprised Canada. We were informed in advance by Indonesian officials of three options under consideration: East Timorese independence, dismissed as unworkable for such a small country; continued Portuguese colonial control, judged unacceptable in a decolonizing world; or incorporation into Indonesia. Canada’s diplomats and politicians supported the takeover as inevitable, shaping subsequent policy according to “Lipset’s law,” haplessly trying to advance human rights and democracy through engagement and investment that aimed to build a strong middle class in Indonesia.

It was only in 1998, under sustained pressure from civil society and with a sympathetic foreign minister in Lloyd Axworthy, that Canada turned to supporting the cause of East Timorese independence, culminating in the 1999 independence vote. Webster concluded with the disquieting observation that much of Canada’s reputation for human rights promotion owes itself to the work of activists outside government, not official policy.

Carleton University historian Laura Madokoro tackled another genocide, this time in war-torn Cambodia in the mid-1970s. Between 1975 and 1979, revolutionary Khmer Rouge forces caused the deaths of an estimated 2 to 3 million Cambodians. Yet reliable news of the “killing fields” within this profoundly closed society, Madokoro explained, was hard to come by. Suspicions about the reliability of first-person accounts, combined with the lingering effects of the American War in Vietnam (including a bombing campaign in Cambodia) made a Canadian response that much slower and tougher to develop.

What ultimately engaged Canadian parliamentarians was the chance to advance a human rights agenda around the genocide unfolding in Cambodia. After a rather ambivalent start to the question of

human rights in 1948, by the late 1970s, Canadian politicians and diplomats sought to position the country as a prominent human rights advocate. Officials used the Cambodian genocide to do so, gathering refugee testimonies as evidence that egregious human rights violations were taking place. While the surviving testimonies are a treasure trove for historians of refugee movements, the interviews raise their own disturbing questions of whose interests the testimonies served.

In the case of the Rohingya in Myanmar, the international community has plenty of evidence of persecution. Not long after Burmese troops drove the country’s Rohingya minority into refugee camps in Bangladesh, Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau asked former Ontario premier and Liberal Party leader, Bob Rae to serve as his Special Representative for Myanmar (former Burma). His account of events in Myanmar drew upon his visits to the camps where thousands of Rohingyan refugees face an uncertain future, and where he confront the history of the decolonization of the British empire. In contrast to Gandhi’s non-violent campaign in British India, Myanmar’s independence was achieved through armed struggle with the army later triumphing as the central national institution. The nationalist slogan, “Burma for the Burmese,” he went on, applied to the Bama (ethnic Bumese Buddhist) majority, not the population as a whole, and emphatically excluded the Muslim Rohingya minority. Myanmar, he concluded, was an example of “majoritarian democracy gone wrong.” You do what you can do, the veteran politician insisted realistically, bearing witness, documenting atrocities.

The theme of the evening was sobering, but hardly hopeless. Genocide is too important an issue to be left to states alone. Citizen engagement matters. As Webster insisted, it did so in East Timor, where citizen-activists, East Timorese and others abroad, clung to an imagined alternative reality until it materialized. It did so in Cambodia too, where the accounts of survivors defined the genocide and brought it into focus. And it does so today in Myanmar, where the watchful eyes of citizen-diplomats like Bob Rae exert a powerful hindering effect.

Perhaps most important, the Graham Centre roundtable was a potent reminder of the importance of balancing the prospects for action against the dangers of despair and apathy.

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Jan
23
4:00 PM16:00

Watery Environments and Fluid Borders

Kim Richard Nossal, Meredith Denning, Daniel Macfarlane, and Noah Hall (Left to Right)

Kim Richard Nossal, Meredith Denning, Daniel Macfarlane, and Noah Hall (Left to Right)

On January 23, the Graham Centre hosted a roundtable discussion on the first century of the International Joint Commission, the body that was created under the Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909 to manage and protect the shared waters of Canada and the United States. The event also marked the publication of The First Century of the International Joint Commission (University of Calgary Press), edited by Daniel Macfarlane and Murray Clamen.

Chaired by Daniel Macfarlane (Western Michigan University), the event featured lively talks by three contributors to the book: Meredith Denning (Georgetown University); Kim Richard Nossal (Queen’s University); and Noah Hall (Wayne State University).

Meredith Denning discussed the origins of the treaty and the commission, explaining why they took the forms they did and illuminating the various actors behind their creation. Kim Richard Nossal addressed one of the IJC’s few notable failures -- the Point Roberts Reference -- in order to throw light on the reasons for the commission’s general record of success. And Noah Hall explored the impact of the treaty and the commission on transboundary environmental law and governance, both within North America and globally.

This event was made possible by the support of Global Affairs Canada; the Consulate of the United States of America; and University of Calgary Press. An audio recording of the event is available above.

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Nov
14
4:30 PM16:30

Scholars, Policymakers, and Canadian Foreign Aid

  • Rigby Room, St. Hilda's College (map)
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On November 14th the Graham Centre marked the launch of A Samaritan State Revisited: Historical Perspectives on Canadian Foreign Aid, a University of Calgary Press publication, edited by Centre Director Greg Donaghy and David Webster of Bishop’s University. The launch took the form of a lively and well-attended panel discussion that featured two contributors to the volume, David Black of Dalhousie University and Stephen Brown of the University of Ottawa, as well as Margaret Biggs, former President of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the 2019-2020 Graham Centre / Massey College Visiting Scholar in Foreign and Defence Policy. The discussion and an invigorating Q & A was moderated by Donaghy.

David Black’s opening remarks highlighted the historic relationships between Canadian aid policy-makers and the university community. Early aid, dominated by technical assistance programs, drew regularly on university researchers for expertise. From the 1960s to the 1980s, universities also provided a supportive if not uncritical constituency for ODA.

A theme of partnership runs through the book, Black argued, as successive governments worked relatively closely with civil society, academics, and industry, making CIDA a global leader in responsive programming (though many in civil society and the academy were uneasy with CIDA’s links to industry). Taken together, Black suggested, this network represented a “development policy eco-system” encompassing an array of organizations including CIDA, the North-South Institute, Rights and Democracy, the Pearson Peacekeeping Centre, the Canadian Council for International Co-operation, and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC).

CIDA’s societal partnerships began to unravel in the 1990s however, for three reasons. First, “CIDA lost its mojo,” the result of a decade of sustained cutbacks and the agency’s inability to successfully contest them, making it increasingly defensive and risk averse. Second, CIDA’s prioritization of policy implementation left little room for policy research and leadership - a role which had been largely assigned to IDRC, which by design prioritized relationships in the Global South versus Canada. And finally, relations with Canadian academics became more remote as scholars influenced by post-colonial and materialist theories grew increasingly wary of CIDA as an arm of government.

Stephen Brown picked up on this theme, recalling both the growing tensions between CIDA/DFATD/Global Affairs Canada and academics. In the 2000s, during Stephen Harper’s era, when the tensions were greatest, he, along with Black and other researchers, had been invited to make presentations to CIDA staff, despite their often critical assessments. He recalled his enthusiasm when GAC invited him to participate in the conference on aid history that gave rise to this book, The Samaritan State, but also how he wondered if those who issued the invitation were fully aware of the nature of his previous work.

Brown highlighted that there are two key dimensions to such interactions. One form is access by scholars to Canadian policymakers. There is often excellent access on the ground overseas, but this is harder to find at HQ, where people are a good deal more cagey. A second form is openness to critiques and honest criticism, where the record is even more mixed. Lower and mid-level public servants are

often sympathetic to critical academic perspectives, but their superiors can be actively “hostile.” He mentioned an example in which the government tried to set up discussions with Ottawa-based academics to be solely “forward looking”, apparently as a way of preventing any mention of errors in the past – even though analyzing previous programs, he argued, is essential for learning. He also drew a contrast with the UK’s DFID, which often – rather than “circling the wagons” – proactively encourages research, debates and critiques as a means of learning from the past and improving its work.

Margaret Biggs brought a different sensibility to bear. She came of age, Biggs recalled, when Black’s development eco-system was flourishing in the 1970s and development economists like Gerry Helleiner were helping to stand up the North-South Institute. Then, after years outside the development sphere, she was appointed CIDA president and was, she joked, the “hapless” official Black accuses in A Samaritan State Revisited of being unable to defend CIDA’s 2013 merger with DFAIT.

Biggs pushed back, venting her annoyance at “CIDA-bashing.” She stressed that CIDA, and its successes and failures, had to be seen within the context of broader political dynamics and government decision-making. CIDA, she underscored, was not an independent, arms -length agency; rather it operated entirely within the ministry and reflected, over time, the priorities of the government of the day. She noted that CIDA never had its own statutory authority, unlike its UK counterpart. In her view, CIDA’s institutional weakness reflected an impoverished international development eco-system in Canada.

That said, Biggs insisted, Canada and CIDA accomplished a tremendous amount over the decades. This is especially true of work on women in development, and maternal, newborn and child health, to cite a few examples. She pointed to the Conservative government’s decision to untie Canadian foreign aid and the current government’s (and Global Affairs Canada’s) effort to put feminism at the centre of Canadian ODA.

Canadian academics, she urged in conclusion, should reflect a deeper understanding of CIDA’s operating context and the broader political reasons why international assistance has not had a robust political constituency in Canada.

 
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Oct
15
5:00 PM17:00

National Versus Human Security, with Dr. Greg MacCallion

  • 2nd Floor - 426 University Avenue Toronto, ON, M5G 1S9 Canada (map)
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Photo Credit: Eric Morse of RCMI

On Oct. 15, Dr. Greg MacCallion of Australian National University discussed his new book National Versus Human Security: Australian and Canadian Military Interventions, at a book launch sponsored by the Graham Centre and the Royal Canadian Military Institute.  

He opened with the observation that the term “human security” has been criticized since its inception as too amorphous in nature for an operational concept. Critics argue that making the security of every individual the object of our concern is to paralyse policymakers’ ability to set priorities. Moreover, when he began his research into human security, he was told that the concept was dead, because no state employed it as part of its declaratory foreign or defence policy.

What MacCallion found was more complicated. In his research into recent Australian and Canadian military interventions, he found, for example, that Australian and Canadian forces in Afghanistan were involved not only in military operations, but also in a range of non-military activities, such as constructing schools, medical centres, or waste facilities. Yet when he asked military, political, diplomatic, political, and development representatives if they were doing human security, the answers were negative. Their primary concern was security from military threats, but they acknowledged a practical need to pay attention to non-military threats to the security of the population.

Key interviewees acknowledged the limitations of traditional national security approaches; that human security was a necessary though insufficient condition for mission success; and that human security was a reflection of their national values. Their efforts demonstrate that prioritising the security of individuals through non-military means can be developed in the field during military interventions, without prior policy direction. Once human security was evident in the implementation phase, both governments increasingly used human security justifications in their declaratory policies. “Human security is dead,” MacCallion concluded. “But long live human security.”

Because MacCallion is an employee of the Australian Ministry of Defence, he cautioned that he spoke in a purely personal capacity, and that nothing he said reflected the official position of the Australian Government. 

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